Eviction in the United States refers to the pattern of tenant removal by landlords in the United States.[1] In an eviction process, landlords forcibly remove tenants from their place of residence and reclaim the property.[2] Landlords may decide to evict tenants who have failed to pay rent, violated lease terms, or possess an expired lease.[1] Landlords may also choose not to renew a tenant's lease, however, this does not constitute an eviction.[2] In the United States, eviction procedures, landlord rights, and tenant protections vary by state and locality.[2] Historically, the United States has seen changes in domestic eviction rates during periods of major socio-political and economic turmoil—including the Great Depression, the 2008 Recession, and the COVID-19 pandemic. High eviction rates are driven by affordable housing shortages and rising housing costs.[3] Across the United States, low-income and disadvantaged neighborhoods have disproportionately higher eviction rates.[4] Certain demographics—including low income renters, Black and Hispanic renters, women, and people with children—are also at a greater risk of eviction.[4] Additionally, eviction filings remain on renters' public records. This can make it more difficult for renters to access future housing, since most landlords will not rent to a tenant with a history of eviction.[1] Eviction and housing instability are also linked to many negative health and life outcomes, including homelessness, poverty, and poor mental and physical health.
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Unfortunately, the United States eviction crisis is not fully understood due to poorly documented eviction records and limited research on the topic.[5] Landlord-initiated expulsion of tenants is not officially tracked or monitored by the federal government and has not been subject to comprehensive analysis. In 2016, sociologist Matthew Desmond published Evicted: Poverty and Profit in the American City which brought wide-scale attention to the United States eviction crisis.[6] In his book, Desmond researches and analyzes eviction patterns in impoverished Milwaukee neighborhoods. Desmond also emphasizes racial and gender disparities in eviction rates and the subsequent social cost on these evictees.[6] In 2017, Desmond established The Eviction Lab: an interactive website that publicizes data on eviction trends across the United States.[7]
- ^ a b c Gold, Allyson E. (Fall 2016). "No home for justice: how eviction perpetuates health inequity among low-income and minority tenants". Georgetown Journal on Poverty Law & Policy. 24 (1): 59–88. SSRN 2992594. Gale A488711843.
- ^ a b c "Eviction". 2022. LII / Legal Information Institute. https://www.law.cornell.edu/wex/eviction .
- ^ Raymond, Elora L.; Duckworth, Richard; Miller, Benjmain; Lucas, Michael; Pokharel, Shiraj (December 2016). "Corporate Landlords, Institutional Investors, and Displacement: Eviction Rates in Singlefamily Rentals" (PDF). SSRN 2893552.
{{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires|journal=(help) - ^ a b Desmond, Matthew (July 2012). "Eviction and the Reproduction of Urban Poverty". American Journal of Sociology. 118 (1): 88–133. doi:10.1086/666082. S2CID 44826562.
- ^ Tsai, Jack; Huang, Minda (May 2019). "Systematic review of psychosocial factors associated with evictions". Health & Social Care in the Community. 27 (3): e1–e9. doi:10.1111/hsc.12619. PMID 30014532. S2CID 51657469.
- ^ a b Desmond, Matthew. Evicted: Poverty and profit in the American city. Crown, 2016.
- ^ "The Eviction Lab". Eviction Lab. Retrieved 2022-10-21.
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